Officially Rembrandt was a member of the Reformed Church, and as yet there has been no evidence that he severed this connection2 in spite of serious conflicts with the church council, such as the exclusion of Hendrickje Stoffels from communion in 1653, who lived with him after his wife's death. Nevertheless there is some indication that Rembrandt was in close contact with Mennonite circles and from them received essential religious motivations.3
Against the assumption that Rembrandt did not enter Anabaptist circles until Saskia's death recent research in archives has shown that at least outwardly Rembrandt was in contact with Mennonite families in his first years at Amsterdam.4 Of greater importance is the contemporary tradition which originated with the Italian Baldinucci, a writer on art, and which says that about 1642 Rembrandt belonged to the "religion of the Menists." This statement, as Michel has shown, goes back to Bernhard Keihl, one of Rembrandt's students.5 Hitherto this tradition was doubted because it was believed that Keihl came to Rembrandt's studio in 1648, when any close contact between Rembrandt and the Mennonites was improbable (financial collapse, illegal living with Hendrickje).6 But a re-examination of Baldinucci's statements about Keihl's life shows that Keihl came to Rembrandt's studio as early as 1641-1642.7 In that year Rembrandt painted and etched portraits of the Waterlander Mennonite preacher C. C. Anslo. In January 1641 Samuel Hoogstraaten entered Rembrandt's studio, and he was demonstrably a Mennonite. All these data relate to the same period, and become important because it was at this very time, following Saskia's death, that Rembrandt's growing religious perceptivity is evident.Apocrypha, particularly the little book of Tobit. All of this was in contrast to the point of view of the Reformed Church. With respect to the New Testament, he strongly stresses the figure of Christ as the teacher and healer, whereas the artists preceding him had depicted preferably the stories of Jesus' birth and death (the dogmas of the Incarnation and atonement). Christ does not wear the stereotype halo, but is rather understood as the one who must "in all things be like His brethren." At the same time, however, by means of a symbol of radiation, Rembrandt puts emphasis on the particular moment in which Jesus of Nazareth discloses Himself as the Christ of God to a human being who meets Him.8 This stress on a very personal encounter with Christ in the act of receiving an insight of faith is suggestive of Mennonite influence. His frank portrayal of Mary is suggestive of the love of the Mennonites for Mary as the mother of the Lord, which was not burdened by confessional polemics. In the story of the death of Christ it is not the physical suffering and the related doctrine of reconciliation (satisfaction) that Rembrandt stresses, but rather the spiritually tempted Christ. Rembrandt's concept of the sacraments is also illuminating. The Lord's Supper, as has often been noticed, is unimportant in Rembrandt's work. Instead it is the Emmaus scene that dominates: the exalted Lord breaks bread for His church (communion as a ceremony of the "breaking of bread"). Also the interest in the picture of John the Baptist, in the baptism of the Ethiopian (adult baptism), in the blessing of the children (Hundred Gulden Print), as well as the act of washing the disciples' feet, point to an Anabaptist understanding of the sacraments. In the 1650s his presentations frequently take on the character of an immediate proclamation, which corresponds with the lay witness of the Mennonites.
The question whether Rembrandt was a member of a Mennonite church is not answered with all of this. His name is not found in any Mennonite membership list (these are, however, not intact). To become a member of a Mennonite congregation included the necessity of being baptized as an adult. It is unlikely that Rembrandt took this step. "Hundreds and more hundreds at that time reckoned themselves among the Mennonites without having taken this last step," and lived so to speak in the "courts of the real congregation." Certain facts indicate that in the last years of his life, i.e., after 1656, Rembrandt associated with a Mennonite circle with Collegiant inclinations and took part in their Bible discussions, which were conducted by laymen. One of the evidences for this is the portrait of Catherina Hoogsaet, the wife of a preacher with Collegiant interests, and his relationship with Collegiant-minded Anabaptist circles derived from this fact.9
In spite of all that is still unanswered with regard to the question, "Rembrandt a Mennonite?" this may be said in summary: In the early 1640s he experienced a deep contact with the piety of the Mennonites. His own Christian personality is stamped by this fact. His presentations of Biblical scenes may from this time on be evaluated as witnesses and self-statements of the Christian Rembrandt.10 Venturi's Lives says that the Spirit of Rembrandt's art was Mennonite.
See also the Rembrandt issue of Mennonite Life, October 1956.
1This as yet theologically unexploited treasure of interpretation of the Bible is best accessible in W. R. Valentiner, Rembrandt. Handzeichnungen I (1925), II (1934) in the series Klassiker der Kunst. In process of publication since 1954 is O. Benesch, Rembrandt's Drawings (6 vols., London).
2All the official documents (also the entries in the church records) are printed in Hofstede de Groot, Die Urkunden iiber Rembrandt (Quellenstudien zur hollandischen Kunstgeschichte III, 1906). Also for the supposed membership of Rembrandt's son Titus in a Mennonite congregation, which was assumed by W. Molenaar and Christian Neff on the basis of a lecture delivered in 1907 by Alfred Seltzer, a professor at the University of Heidelberg (see Mennonitische Blätter , 18, and on the opposite side Samuel Cramer, Mennonitische Blätter , 29; also Mennonitische Blätter , 92), there is no evidence, according to Nanne van der Zijpp, who at my request examined the archives of the Mennonite Church of Amsterdam.
3In the discussion on the question of whether Rembrandt was a Mennonite, which was going on before the war but became somnolent during the war, Samuel Cramer took the negative view in his article, "Rembrandt menist?" (De Zondagsbode, , No. 27), and C. N. Wybrands the affirmative, "Rembrandt doopsgezind?" (De Zondagsbode, , Nos. 35-41), besides the articles mentioned above. The first thorough investigation was made by Karel Vos, "Rembrandts Geloof" (De Gids, 1909, 49 ff.). Carl Neumann follows the Vos arguments in the chapter "Rembrandt und das religiose Leben in Holland" of his monograph on Rembrandt. A careful summary of the discussions on the question "Rembrandt doopsgezind?" is given by N. van der Zijpp in the Doopsgezind Weekblad, 1948, No. 43. Recent affirmative answers to the question have been made by J. Rosenberg in his Rembrandt monograph, Vol. I, pp. 107 ff., discussed by Cornelius Krahn in Mennonite Life VIII (1953), No. 1; H. E. van Gelder, Rembrandt en de hei-Uge Schrift (Amsterdam, 1948) 59; idem, in Oud Holland, 1943, 35-37; Kühler, Geschiedenis I, 58, speaks of the "Doopsgezinde Rembrandt," without giving the source. See also K. T. Gorter, "Een Doopsgezind Kunstenaar?" in DJ 1953. H. R. Rotermund, the author of the present article, a Lutheran, has treated the views summarized here in an article, "Rembrandt und die religiosen Laienbewegungen seiner Zeit," in Nederlandsch kunsthistorisch Jaarboeh, 1952, pp. 104-92. Hendrik van Loon's book, R. van Ryn, makes the flat assertion, without explanation, that Rembrandt was a Mennonite. (See also Art.) W. A. Visser 't Hooft in Rembrandts weg tot liet Evangelic (Amsterdam, 1956; this essay had previously been published in French and English, and there is also a Spanish translation) takes the view that Rembrandt was not a Mennonite and that his piety was not typically Mennonite.
4See W. F. H. Oldewelt, "Rembrandts relatie met de familie Bruyningh," in Amsterdamsche archiefvondsten (1942) 158 ff.; also the articles by H. F. Wijnman noted in (9).
5F. Baldinucci, "Cominciamento e progresso dell' arte . . ." (Florence, 1686) 78; printed in Hoofstede de Groot, document 360, par. 4 (see note 2 above). E. Michel, "Francesco Baldinucci et les biographes de Rembrandt," in Oud Holland, 1890, pp. 167-72.
6Also held by W. A. Visser 't Hooft, Rembrandt et la Bible (1947) 23 ff. See also P. R. Muscullus, "Re-marques sur Rembrandt, le Calvinisme et les Mennonites," in Bulletin de la societi calviniste de France, May 1932.
7As early as the article "Bernhard Keihl," in Thieme-Becker, Künstler-Lexikon XX (1927) 66-68. J. Six in Jaarboeh der Koninkl. Akad. van Wetensch., 1925/26, 233.
8Hans-Martin Rotermund, "The Motif of Radiance in Rembrandt's Biblical Drawings," Warburg Journal XV (1952) 101-21.
9H. F. Wijnman, "Een drietal portretten door Rembrandt," in Jaarboeh Amstelodamum 1934, 90 ff. See also H. F. Wijnman, "Nieuwe gegevens omtrent den schilder Lambert Jacobsz," Oud Holland XLVII, 145-57, and LI, 241-55.
10Critical of this view, W. A. Visser 't Hooft, Rembrandts Weg zum Evangelium (Zurich, 1955), and Rembrandts weg tot het Evangelie (Amsterdam, 1956).
 Cite This Article
Rotermund, Hans-Martin. "Rembrandt Harmensz van Rijn (1607-1669)." Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. 1959. Web. 7 Dec 2013. http://gameo.org/index.php?title=Rembrandt_Harmensz_van_Rijn_(1607-1669)&oldid=96201.
Rotermund, Hans-Martin. (1959). Rembrandt Harmensz van Rijn (1607-1669). Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. Retrieved 7 December 2013, from http://gameo.org/index.php?title=Rembrandt_Harmensz_van_Rijn_(1607-1669)&oldid=96201.
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