Anabaptism - Revision history

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RichardThiessen at 01:23, 1 December 2014

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The very first literary attacks on Anabaptism ([[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli's]] Von der Taufe, von der Wiedertaufe, und von der Kindertaufe of May 1525, and [[Oecolampadius, Johannes (1482-1531)|Oecolampadius']] Ein Gespräch etlicher Predicanten zu Basel gehalten mit etlichen Bekennern de, Wiedertaufe, also of 1525) use the term Wiedertäufer. The Latin writings likewise use Anabaptists (e.g., Faber's Adversus Doctorem Balthasarum Pacimontanium, Anabaptistarum Nostri Saeculi, Primum Authorem, Orthodoxae Fidei Catholica Defensio of 1528). However, in Zwingli's testimony against the local Anabaptists before the Zürich court in March 1525 he uses the term Täufer exclusively. Strangely enough, [[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli]] uses the term "[[Catabaptist|Catabaptist]]" in his major attack against the group in 1527, In Catabaptistarum Strophas Elenchus, instead of "Anabaptist."

The very first literary attacks on Anabaptism ([[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli's]] Von der Taufe, von der Wiedertaufe, und von der Kindertaufe of May 1525, and [[Oecolampadius, Johannes (1482-1531)|Oecolampadius']] Ein Gespräch etlicher Predicanten zu Basel gehalten mit etlichen Bekennern de, Wiedertaufe, also of 1525) use the term Wiedertäufer. The Latin writings likewise use Anabaptists (e.g., Faber's Adversus Doctorem Balthasarum Pacimontanium, Anabaptistarum Nostri Saeculi, Primum Authorem, Orthodoxae Fidei Catholica Defensio of 1528). However, in Zwingli's testimony against the local Anabaptists before the Zürich court in March 1525 he uses the term Täufer exclusively. Strangely enough, [[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli]] uses the term "[[Catabaptist|Catabaptist]]" in his major attack against the group in 1527, In Catabaptistarum Strophas Elenchus, instead of "Anabaptist."

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It has sometimes been assumed that the evil connotation of the epithet Anabaptist is associated primarily with the dreadful [[Münster Anabaptists|Münster]] episode of 1534-1535. However, the fairly extensive polemic literature of the period before that time, written by [[Luther, Martin (1483-1546)|Luther]], [[Melanchthon, Philipp (1497-1560)|Melanchthon]], [[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli]], [[Bader, Johannes (1470-1545)|Bader]], [[Rhegius, Urban (1489-1541)|Rhegius]], [[Faber, Johann (1478-1541)|Faber]], [[Bugenhagen, Johann (1485-1558)|Bugenhagen]], [[Menius, Justus (1499-1558)|Menius]], [[Bullinger, Heinrich (1504-1575)|Bullinger]], and others, gives abundant evidence that it was a designation of severest reproach and condemnation long before Münster. The [[Augsburg Confession (1530)|Augsburg Confession]] of 1530 condemns the "Anabaptists" specifically in three articles, though in part based on misinformation. Abundant citations could be given showing that the term "Anabaptist" in all its forms and translations was always essentially one of condemnation as of grievous heresy and crime. More, in his ~~Confutation~~ of Tindale's Works (1532), speaks of "pernitious and Anabaptistical opinions." This completely evil connotation of the name, which makes it truly an opprobrious epithet, carried through the 16th century and on down through the following centuries until modern times. It is this sense of condemnation and execration which has made some modern historians, particularly Mennonites, hesitate. to use it, but usage is gradually overcoming the objectionable sense.
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It has sometimes been assumed that the evil connotation of the epithet Anabaptist is associated primarily with the dreadful [[Münster Anabaptists|Münster]] episode of 1534-1535. However, the fairly extensive polemic literature of the period before that time, written by [[Luther, Martin (1483-1546)|Luther]], [[Melanchthon, Philipp (1497-1560)|Melanchthon]], [[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli]], [[Bader, Johannes (1470-1545)|Bader]], [[Rhegius, Urban (1489-1541)|Rhegius]], [[Faber, Johann (1478-1541)|Faber]], [[Bugenhagen, Johann (1485-1558)|Bugenhagen]], [[Menius, Justus (1499-1558)|Menius]], [[Bullinger, Heinrich (1504-1575)|Bullinger]], and others, gives abundant evidence that it was a designation of severest reproach and condemnation long before Münster. The [[Augsburg Confession (1530)|Augsburg Confession]] of 1530 condemns the "Anabaptists" specifically in three articles, though in part based on misinformation. Abundant citations could be given showing that the term "Anabaptist" in all its forms and translations was always essentially one of condemnation as of grievous heresy and crime. More, in his Confutation of Tindale's Works (1532), speaks of "pernitious and Anabaptistical opinions." This completely evil connotation of the name, which makes it truly an opprobrious epithet, carried through the 16th century and on down through the following centuries until modern times. It is this sense of condemnation and execration which has made some modern historians, particularly Mennonites, hesitate. to use it, but usage is gradually overcoming the objectionable sense.

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An illustration of the strong objection by those, dubbed Anabaptists to its application to them is the title of [[Dirk Philips (1504-1568)|Dirk Philips]]' Dutch tract written in 1545 but first published as the fourth part of his ~~Enchiridion~~ in 1564, which reads as follows: Een ~~Apologia~~, ofte verantwoordinghe, dat wy (die van de werelt met grooten onrecht Anabaptisten gescholden worden) gheen wederdoopers noch sectemakers en zijn; maer dat wy een zijn met de rechte Ghemeynte Gods die van aenbeginne gheweest is. (An Apology or Reply, that we who are by the world with great injustice accusingly called Anabaptists are no re-baptizers nor sect-makers, but that we are one with the true church of God which has been from the beginning.)
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An illustration of the strong objection by those, dubbed Anabaptists to its application to them is the title of [[Dirk Philips (1504-1568)|Dirk Philips]]' Dutch tract written in 1545 but first published as the fourth part of his Enchiridion in 1564, which reads as follows: Een Apologia, ofte verantwoordinghe, dat wy (die van de werelt met grooten onrecht Anabaptisten gescholden worden) gheen wederdoopers noch sectemakers en zijn; maer dat wy een zijn met de rechte Ghemeynte Gods die van aenbeginne gheweest is. (An Apology or Reply, that we who are by the world with great injustice accusingly called Anabaptists are no re-baptizers nor sect-makers, but that we are one with the true church of God which has been from the beginning.)

The original use of "Anabaptist" in the 4th and following centuries was to refer to the rebaptism of those who had been baptized by heretics, or of those who had been baptized by bishops who had temporarily and partially [[Recantation|recanted]] under persecution. There was considerable controversy over both points in North Africa; over the former from [[Tertullian, Quintus Septimius Florens (ca. 160-ca. 222)|Tertullian's]] time on (A.D. 200) and over the latter in Augustine's time ([[Donatists|Donatist ]]controversy). In both cases the Roman bishop's position won out, namely, that rebaptism should not be required nor permitted. Those who insisted on rebaptism were in effect repudiating therefore the authority of the church.

The original use of "Anabaptist" in the 4th and following centuries was to refer to the rebaptism of those who had been baptized by heretics, or of those who had been baptized by bishops who had temporarily and partially [[Recantation|recanted]] under persecution. There was considerable controversy over both points in North Africa; over the former from [[Tertullian, Quintus Septimius Florens (ca. 160-ca. 222)|Tertullian's]] time on (A.D. 200) and over the latter in Augustine's time ([[Donatists|Donatist ]]controversy). In both cases the Roman bishop's position won out, namely, that rebaptism should not be required nor permitted. Those who insisted on rebaptism were in effect repudiating therefore the authority of the church.

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<li>[[Ritschl, Albrecht (1822-1889)|A. Ritschl]] (d. 1889) construed his church history (Geschichte des Pietismus, 1883) rather artificially, without any deeper understanding of Anabaptism. He drew a line of tradition from the Third Order of the [[Franciscans|Franciscans]] (Tertiarii) to the Anabaptists and from them to the [[Pietism|Pietists]], even though no immediate contact between these groups could be demonstrated. To be sure, there are certain similarities and points of contact but the genius of these three movements is radically different so that this construction is of little value. Ritschl erroneously calls the Anabaptists "medieval," due to their emphasis upon what he calls "works" (i.e., practiced discipleship). For similar reasons also K. Holl misinterprets the Anabaptists, taking their practical Christianity as a form of Catholic works-righteousness (gaining merit through works), which Lutherans strictly abhor. This kind of church historiography with borrowed terms does not lead very far and is more confusing than helpful—though still widely accepted.</li>

<li>[[Ritschl, Albrecht (1822-1889)|A. Ritschl]] (d. 1889) construed his church history (Geschichte des Pietismus, 1883) rather artificially, without any deeper understanding of Anabaptism. He drew a line of tradition from the Third Order of the [[Franciscans|Franciscans]] (Tertiarii) to the Anabaptists and from them to the [[Pietism|Pietists]], even though no immediate contact between these groups could be demonstrated. To be sure, there are certain similarities and points of contact but the genius of these three movements is radically different so that this construction is of little value. Ritschl erroneously calls the Anabaptists "medieval," due to their emphasis upon what he calls "works" (i.e., practiced discipleship). For similar reasons also K. Holl misinterprets the Anabaptists, taking their practical Christianity as a form of Catholic works-righteousness (gaining merit through works), which Lutherans strictly abhor. This kind of church historiography with borrowed terms does not lead very far and is more confusing than helpful—though still widely accepted.</li>

<li>[[Keller, Ludwig, and the Mennonites|Ludwig Keller]] goes further along this line of construed church history but with much richer material at hand and a more sympathetic understanding of the "heretics." He visualized the existence of sect-like "Old-Evangelical Brotherhoods" throughout the centuries which kept a sort of underground contact among themselves, seeing a long line of tradition in church history of such brotherhoods (with similar patterns of life). In particular he ties the [[Waldenses|Waldenses]] very closely to the early Anabaptists. This still unproved Waldensian origin theory, started in the 17th century by [[Montanus, Herman (17th century)|H. Montanus]], was popular for a long time but must be abandoned today in view of the results of modern research. No contact with Waldenses could be found, and, what weighs more, the genius of the two groups is very different. Keller was deceived by certain similarities (such as [[Nonconformity|nonconformity]]) just as Ritschl and Troeltsch were deceived. Yet it must be admitted that Keller has greatly advanced our understanding of the earlier history of Anabaptism.</li>

<li>[[Keller, Ludwig, and the Mennonites|Ludwig Keller]] goes further along this line of construed church history but with much richer material at hand and a more sympathetic understanding of the "heretics." He visualized the existence of sect-like "Old-Evangelical Brotherhoods" throughout the centuries which kept a sort of underground contact among themselves, seeing a long line of tradition in church history of such brotherhoods (with similar patterns of life). In particular he ties the [[Waldenses|Waldenses]] very closely to the early Anabaptists. This still unproved Waldensian origin theory, started in the 17th century by [[Montanus, Herman (17th century)|H. Montanus]], was popular for a long time but must be abandoned today in view of the results of modern research. No contact with Waldenses could be found, and, what weighs more, the genius of the two groups is very different. Keller was deceived by certain similarities (such as [[Nonconformity|nonconformity]]) just as Ritschl and Troeltsch were deceived. Yet it must be admitted that Keller has greatly advanced our understanding of the earlier history of Anabaptism.</li>

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<li>Anabaptists were no [[Mysticism|mystics]] either, as for instance [[Jones, Rufus Matthew (1863-1948)|Rufus M. Jones]] (Studies in Mystical ~~Religion~~, 2nd ed. 1923) has interpreted them. It is true that in the earliest period of Anabaptism some outstanding leaders manifested mystical traits, but in general the simple Biblicistic life of the Brethren is very different from that of mystically oriented men and women. Even though Anabaptists and [[Society of Friends|Quakers]] have a number of traits in common (above all their [[Nonresistance|nonresistance]]), and contacts between the two groups have always been cordial and sometimes close, they are rather different types.</li>
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<li>Anabaptists were no [[Mysticism|mystics]] either, as for instance [[Jones, Rufus Matthew (1863-1948)|Rufus M. Jones]] (Studies in Mystical Religion, 2nd ed. 1923) has interpreted them. It is true that in the earliest period of Anabaptism some outstanding leaders manifested mystical traits, but in general the simple Biblicistic life of the Brethren is very different from that of mystically oriented men and women. Even though Anabaptists and [[Society of Friends|Quakers]] have a number of traits in common (above all their [[Nonresistance|nonresistance]]), and contacts between the two groups have always been cordial and sometimes close, they are rather different types.</li>

<li>[[Kühn, Johannes (b. 1887)|Johannes Kühn]] (Toleranz und Offenbarung, 1923) was perhaps the first to clearly recognize and analyze the independent character of the Anabaptists, and put them on an equal level with related phenomena in church history. He distinguished within "Biblical" Protestantism five major types which he called prophetic ([[Luther, Martin (1483-1546)|Luther]]), spiritualistic ([[Schwenckfeld, Caspar von (1489-1561)|Schwenckfeld]], Roger Williams), Täuferische Nachfolge (combining both Anabaptists and Quakers, the latter the corresponding group in England), mystical ([[David Joris (ca. 1501-1556)|D. Joris]], J. Boehme), and ethical-rationalistic ([[Arminianism|Arminians]], Spener). The discipleship idea (imitatio Christi) is to Kühn the distinguishing feature of the Anabaptists; it implies both brotherly love and [[Gelassenheit|Gelassenheit]] (inner surrender, conquest of selfishness, yieldedness). This certainly holds true for Anabaptists as well as for Quakers. What actually distinguishes them most is the theology of [[Martyrdom, Theology of|martyrdom]] of the Anabaptists which, however, Kühn does not follow up.</li>

<li>[[Kühn, Johannes (b. 1887)|Johannes Kühn]] (Toleranz und Offenbarung, 1923) was perhaps the first to clearly recognize and analyze the independent character of the Anabaptists, and put them on an equal level with related phenomena in church history. He distinguished within "Biblical" Protestantism five major types which he called prophetic ([[Luther, Martin (1483-1546)|Luther]]), spiritualistic ([[Schwenckfeld, Caspar von (1489-1561)|Schwenckfeld]], Roger Williams), Täuferische Nachfolge (combining both Anabaptists and Quakers, the latter the corresponding group in England), mystical ([[David Joris (ca. 1501-1556)|D. Joris]], J. Boehme), and ethical-rationalistic ([[Arminianism|Arminians]], Spener). The discipleship idea (imitatio Christi) is to Kühn the distinguishing feature of the Anabaptists; it implies both brotherly love and [[Gelassenheit|Gelassenheit]] (inner surrender, conquest of selfishness, yieldedness). This certainly holds true for Anabaptists as well as for Quakers. What actually distinguishes them most is the theology of [[Martyrdom, Theology of|martyrdom]] of the Anabaptists which, however, Kühn does not follow up.</li>

<li>Those who have followed the socio-economic interpretation of history have classified the Anabaptists primarily as social revolutionaries of the lower classes, or even as forerunners of modern Socialism or Communism, rather than as a religious movement. See, e.g., Karl Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the Reformation (1897).</li>

<li>Those who have followed the socio-economic interpretation of history have classified the Anabaptists primarily as social revolutionaries of the lower classes, or even as forerunners of modern Socialism or Communism, rather than as a religious movement. See, e.g., Karl Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the Reformation (1897).</li>

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<li>Max Göbel first (Geschichte des Christlichen ~~~~Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälisch evangelischen Kirche, 1848-4189), followed by many others, particularly [[Horsch, John (1867-1941)|John Horsch]], d. 1941, holds that Anabaptism is merely a consistent evangelical Protestantism, seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the culmination of the original vision of [[Luther, Martin (1483-1546)|Luther]] and [[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli]].</li>
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<li>Max Göbel first (Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälisch evangelischen Kirche, 1848-4189), followed by many others, particularly [[Horsch, John (1867-1941)|John Horsch]], d. 1941, holds that Anabaptism is merely a consistent evangelical Protestantism, seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the culmination of the original vision of [[Luther, Martin (1483-1546)|Luther]] and [[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli]].</li>

<li>[[Hegler, Alfred (1863-1902)|Alfred Hegler]] and [[Troeltsch, Ernst (1865-1923)|Ernst Troeltsch]] distinguished the individualistic "Spiritualists" like [[Denck, Hans (ca. 1500-1527)|Hans Denck]], [[Bünderlin, Johannes (1499-1533)|Johannes Bünderlin]], and others, from the true Anabaptists who were anything but individualists, holding strongly to group discipline and order.</li>

<li>[[Hegler, Alfred (1863-1902)|Alfred Hegler]] and [[Troeltsch, Ernst (1865-1923)|Ernst Troeltsch]] distinguished the individualistic "Spiritualists" like [[Denck, Hans (ca. 1500-1527)|Hans Denck]], [[Bünderlin, Johannes (1499-1533)|Johannes Bünderlin]], and others, from the true Anabaptists who were anything but individualists, holding strongly to group discipline and order.</li>

<li>[[Friedmann, Robert (1891-1970)|Robert Friedmann]] attempted a further interpretation of Anabaptism by distinguishing the Protestant types according to their particular interest in different parts of the New Testament which then become decisive for life and thought. The Anabaptists derive a great deal of strength from the study of the synoptic Gospels while mystics incline to lean more heavily upon the Johannine writings. The major Protestant denominations for their part have found their foundation primarily in the Pauline epistles and Pauline theology, and millennialists stress above all the book of Revelation. Some [[Schwärmer|Schwärmer]] finally do not stress the Scriptures too much but rely in the main upon their own inspiration ([[Müntzer, Thomas (1488/9-1525)|Müntzer]], [[David Joris (ca. 1501-1556)|David Joris]], etc.). The simple life of the Anabaptists, their stress upon obedience to the Word of God and His commandments, their idea of discipleship (including possible martyrdom), their lessened interest in formal theology, this all brings them nearer to the spirit of Christ's exemplary life and teachings as recorded above all in the first three Gospels and in the book of Acts.</li></ol>

<li>[[Friedmann, Robert (1891-1970)|Robert Friedmann]] attempted a further interpretation of Anabaptism by distinguishing the Protestant types according to their particular interest in different parts of the New Testament which then become decisive for life and thought. The Anabaptists derive a great deal of strength from the study of the synoptic Gospels while mystics incline to lean more heavily upon the Johannine writings. The major Protestant denominations for their part have found their foundation primarily in the Pauline epistles and Pauline theology, and millennialists stress above all the book of Revelation. Some [[Schwärmer|Schwärmer]] finally do not stress the Scriptures too much but rely in the main upon their own inspiration ([[Müntzer, Thomas (1488/9-1525)|Müntzer]], [[David Joris (ca. 1501-1556)|David Joris]], etc.). The simple life of the Anabaptists, their stress upon obedience to the Word of God and His commandments, their idea of discipleship (including possible martyrdom), their lessened interest in formal theology, this all brings them nearer to the spirit of Christ's exemplary life and teachings as recorded above all in the first three Gospels and in the book of Acts.</li></ol>

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Furthermore, the epithet was used indiscriminately of all types of left-wing groups, whereby the sins of the worst were applied to all. In retrospect [[Müntzer, Thomas (1488/9-1525)|Thomas Müntzer]], the leader of the [[Peasants' War, 1524-1525|Peasants' Revolt]] in 1525, was now dubbed an Anabaptist and his sins were added to the others. In fact, he came to be thought of as the originator and most typical leader of the movement, even though he never practiced nor taught rebaptism, and had no connection with the true Anabaptist movement.

Furthermore, the epithet was used indiscriminately of all types of left-wing groups, whereby the sins of the worst were applied to all. In retrospect [[Müntzer, Thomas (1488/9-1525)|Thomas Müntzer]], the leader of the [[Peasants' War, 1524-1525|Peasants' Revolt]] in 1525, was now dubbed an Anabaptist and his sins were added to the others. In fact, he came to be thought of as the originator and most typical leader of the movement, even though he never practiced nor taught rebaptism, and had no connection with the true Anabaptist movement.

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The Anabaptists themselves used no common name, indeed they were~~ ~~not a unified organized movement throughout, although the Swiss-South German, Dutch-North German, and [[Hutterian Brethren (Hutterische Brüder)|Hutterite]] wings were soon separately organized and disciplined. Their most common self-designation was "Brethren." Because of the strong leadership of [[Hutter, Jakob (d. 1536)|Jakob Hutter]] (d. 1535) among the Moravian Anabaptists, who adopted [[Community of Goods|community of goods]], this group was soon called "Hutterisch" or the "Hutterian Brethren," while the non-communist group being originally of Swiss origin was called "[[Swiss Brethren|Swiss Brethren]]," even though they lived in many places outside of [[Switzerland|Switzerland]] such as the lower Rhine region. In Holland after 1545 the group came to be called "[[Mennist|Mennists]]" after their chief leader [[Menno Simons (1496-1561)|Menno Simons]], a name which gradually developed into "Mennonist" and then "Mennonit," although early in the 17th century "[[Doopsgezind|Doopsgezind]]" (German, "[[Taufgesinnt|Taufgesinnt]]") came into use in Holland and ultimately superseded "Mennonit." Thus at least one syllable of the original "Wederdooper" is retained in the modern designation of the descendants of the original Dutch Anabaptists.
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The Anabaptists themselves used no common name, indeed they were not a unified organized movement throughout, although the Swiss-South German, Dutch-North German, and [[Hutterian Brethren (Hutterische Brüder)|Hutterite]] wings were soon separately organized and disciplined. Their most common self-designation was "Brethren." Because of the strong leadership of [[Hutter, Jakob (d. 1536)|Jakob Hutter]] (d. 1535) among the Moravian Anabaptists, who adopted [[Community of Goods|community of goods]], this group was soon called "Hutterisch" or the "Hutterian Brethren," while the non-communist group being originally of Swiss origin was called "[[Swiss Brethren|Swiss Brethren]]," even though they lived in many places outside of [[Switzerland|Switzerland]] such as the lower Rhine region. In Holland after 1545 the group came to be called "[[Mennist|Mennists]]" after their chief leader [[Menno Simons (1496-1561)|Menno Simons]], a name which gradually developed into "Mennonist" and then "Mennonit," although early in the 17th century "[[Doopsgezind|Doopsgezind]]" (German, "[[Taufgesinnt|Taufgesinnt]]") came into use in Holland and ultimately superseded "Mennonit." Thus at least one syllable of the original "Wederdooper" is retained in the modern designation of the descendants of the original Dutch Anabaptists.

The 17th-century English [[Baptists |Baptists]] took the major part of "Anabaptists" for their name and passed it on down to their 10,000,000 modern spiritual descendants. The 19th-century Baptists of [[Germany|Germany]] however did not take "Täufer," the proper translation, for their name, but instead, "Baptisten." It remained for modern German scholars to adopt the term "Täufer" as the designation for the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, thus taking up Zwingli's early 1525 word instead of 'Wiedertäufer." -- ''Harold S. Bender''

The 17th-century English [[Baptists |Baptists]] took the major part of "Anabaptists" for their name and passed it on down to their 10,000,000 modern spiritual descendants. The 19th-century Baptists of [[Germany|Germany]] however did not take "Täufer," the proper translation, for their name, but instead, "Baptisten." It remained for modern German scholars to adopt the term "Täufer" as the designation for the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, thus taking up Zwingli's early 1525 word instead of 'Wiedertäufer." -- ''Harold S. Bender''

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Zijlstra, Samme. Nicolaas Meyndertsz. van Blesdijk: Een Bijdrage tot de Geschiedenis van het Davidiorisme. Assen: Van Gorcum, 1983.

Zijlstra, Samme. Nicolaas Meyndertsz. van Blesdijk: Een Bijdrage tot de Geschiedenis van het Davidiorisme. Assen: Van Gorcum, 1983.

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{{GAMEO_footer|hp=Vol. 1, pp. 113-116; vol. 5, pp. 23-26|date=1990|a1_last=Bender|a1_first=Harold S., Robert ~~Friedmann~~|~~a2_last~~=Klaassen|~~a2_first~~=Walter}}
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{{GAMEO_footer-3|hp=Vol. 1, pp. 113-116; vol. 5, pp. 23-26|date=1990|a1_last=Bender|a1_first=Harold S.|a2_last=Friedmann|a2_first=Robert|a3_last=Klaassen|a3_first=Walter}}

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 Finally, the question as to whether Anabaptism was medieval or modern has been vigorously debated. The link of Anabaptism to mysticism, its synergistic soteriology, and its version of <em>imitatio Christi</em>, all point to pre-Reformation forms of piety (Ozment, 1972; Davis, 1974; Packull, 1977). Alternatively, it has been argued that Anabaptism was the true harbinger of modernity in its emphasis on voluntarism, toleration, and pluralism in religion (Bender, 1955, Zeman, 1976). The early Swiss Brethren, claimed Fritz Blanke, were a vanguard striving toward a new dawn (Blanke, 1961). A carefully nuanced statement on this subject describes social tendencies in Anabaptism that moved in the direction of modernity (Goertz, 1985). -- ''Walter Klaassen''
 = Bibliography =
-Bender, Harold S. "The Anabaptists and Religious Liberty in the 16th Century." <em>Mennonite Quarterly Review</em> 29 (1955): 83-100.
+Bender, Harold S. "The Anabaptists and Religious Liberty in the 16th Century." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' 29 (1955): 83-100.
 Blanke, Fritz Blanke. <em>Brothers in Christ. </em>Scottdale, 1961.
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 Haas, Martin Haas. "Der Weg der Täufer in die Absonderung: Zur Interdependenz von Theologie und sozialem Verhalten" in <em>Umstrittenes Täufertum </em>(1975): 50-78.
-Hillerbrand, Hans J. "Anabaptism and History." <em>Mennonite Quarterly Review</em> 45 (1971): 107-22.
+Hillerbrand, Hans J. "Anabaptism and History." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' 45 (1971): 107-22.
 Klaassen, Walter. "Word, Spirit, and Scripture in Early Anabaptist Thought." PhD diss., U. of Oxford, 1960.
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 Martin, Dennis D. "Nothing New under the Sun: Mennonites and History." <em>Conrad Grebel Review</em> 5 (1987): 1-27.
-McLaughlin, R. Emmet. "Schwenckfeld and the Strasbourg Radicals." <em>Mennonite Quarterly Review</em> 59 (1985): 268-78.
+McLaughlin, R. Emmet. "Schwenckfeld and the Strasbourg Radicals." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' 59 (1985): 268-78.
 Mecenseffy, Grete. "Die Herkunft des oberösterreichischen Täufertums." <em>Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte</em> 47 (1956): 252-59.
-Meihuizen, Hendrik W. "The Concept of Restitution in the Anabaptism of Northwestern Europe." <em>Mennonite Quarterly Review</em> 44 (1970): 141-58.
+Meihuizen, Hendrik W. "The Concept of Restitution in the Anabaptism of Northwestern Europe." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' 44 (1970): 141-58.
 Ozment, Steven E. <em>Mysticism and Dissent: Religious Ideology and Social Protest in the Sixteenth Century.</em> New Haven: Yale U. Press, 1972.
@@ Line 138: / Line 138: @@
 Packull, Werner O. "The Origins of Swiss Anabaptism in the Context of the Reformation of the Common Man." <em>Journal of Mennonite Studies</em> 3 (1985): 36-59.
-Packull, Werner O. " 'A Hutterite Book of Medieval Origin' Revisited." <em>Mennonite Quarterly Review</em> 56 (1982): 147-168.
+Packull, Werner O. " 'A Hutterite Book of Medieval Origin' Revisited." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' 56 (1982): 147-168.
 Pater, Calvin A. <em>Karlstadt as the Father of the Baptist Movements</em>;<em> The Emergence of Lay Protestantism. </em>Toronto: U. of Toronto Press, 1984.
@@ Line 164: / Line 164: @@
 Wray, Frank J. "The Anabaptist Doctrine of the Restitution of the Church."<em> Mennonite Quarterly Review</em> 28 (1954): 186-96.
-Zeman, Jarold K. "Anabaptism: A Replay of Medieval Themes or a Prelude to the Modern Age." <em>Mennonite Quarterly Review</em> 50 (1976): 259-71.
+Zeman, Jarold K. "Anabaptism: A Replay of Medieval Themes or a Prelude to the Modern Age." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' 50 (1976): 259-71.
 Zijlstra, Samme. <em>Nicolaas Meyndertsz. van Blesdijk: Een Bijdrage tot de Geschiedenis van het Davidiorisme.</em> Assen: Van Gorcum, 1983.
 {{GAMEO_footer-3|hp=Vol. 1, pp. 113-116; vol. 5, pp. 23-26|date=1990|a1_last=Bender|a1_first=Harold S.|a2_last=Friedmann|a2_first=Robert|a3_last=Klaassen|a3_first=Walter}}

@@ Line 76: / Line 76: @@
 === Anabaptism and Radical Dissent ===
-George H. Williams' massive volume, <em>The Radical Reformation </em>(1962), presented for the first time a comprehensive portrayal of radical dissent in the 16th century. Moving across his stage are the whole cast of characters, from [[Karlstadt, Andreas Rudolff-Bodenstein von (1486-1541) |Andreas Karlstadt]] (Carlstadt) and the [[Zwickau Prophets|Zwickau Prophets]] through [[Grebel, Conrad (ca. 1498-1526)|Conrad Grebel]] and the St. Gall fanatics, [[Hut, Hans (d. 1527)|Hans Hut]] and [[Hutter, Jakob (d. 1536)|Jakob Hutter]], [[Menno Simons (1496-1561)|Menno Simons]] and the [[Batenburg, Jan van (1495-1538)|Batenburgers]], to [[Servetus, Michael (1511-1553)|Michael Servetus]] and Faustus Socinus, with all the intricate linkages between them.
+[[Williams, George Huntston (1914-2000)|George H. Williams]]' massive volume, <em>The Radical Reformation </em>(1962), presented for the first time a comprehensive portrayal of radical dissent in the 16th century. Moving across his stage are the whole cast of characters, from [[Karlstadt, Andreas Rudolff-Bodenstein von (1486-1541) |Andreas Karlstadt]] (Carlstadt) and the [[Zwickau Prophets|Zwickau Prophets]] through [[Grebel, Conrad (ca. 1498-1526)|Conrad Grebel]] and the St. Gall fanatics, [[Hut, Hans (d. 1527)|Hans Hut]] and [[Hutter, Jakob (d. 1536)|Jakob Hutter]], [[Menno Simons (1496-1561)|Menno Simons]] and the [[Batenburg, Jan van (1495-1538)|Batenburgers]], to [[Servetus, Michael (1511-1553)|Michael Servetus]] and Faustus Socinus, with all the intricate linkages between them.
 Clear links between [[Müntzer, Thomas (1488/9-1525)|Thomas Müntzer]] and [[Hut, Hans (d. 1527)|Hans Hut]] had been established by [[Mecenseffy, Grete (1899-1985) |Grete Mecenseffy]] (1956) and Walter Klaassen (1960, 1962), but the most important study on this relationship was done by [[Seebaß, Gottfried (1937-2008)|Gottfried Seebaß]] (1972). His work and the work of Werner Packull (1977) established beyond question the formative influence of Thomas Müntzer on South German Anabaptism, both in its mysticism and its apocalyptic cast. By means of the thesis that mystical theology was a theology of dissent in the 16th century, Steven Ozment linked the Anabaptists [[Denck, Hans (ca. 1500-1527)|Hans Denck]] and Hans Hut with Müntzer, [[Franck, Sebastian (1499-1543)|Sebastian Franck]], and others. The central thrust of this mysticism was that ultimately God could communicate his will to men and women directly in disregard of ecclesiastical channels, a kind of democratization of revelation. Later Calvin Pater (1984) convincingly showed that [[Karlstadt, Andreas Rudolff-Bodenstein von (1486-1541) |Andreas Karlstadt]] significantly influenced Swiss Anabaptism. Versions of Karlstadt's view and use of Scripture, his doctrine of the church, and his views on baptism, all found their way into Anabaptism.
@@ Line 82: / Line 82: @@
 Building on earlier work, Hans-Jürgen Goertz (1980) offered the first extended discussion of the thesis that anticlericalism was a prime motive for dissent, and that this factor provided close links between Anabaptism and other movements of the "common man," such as the peasant uprisings of 1524-26, also extensively motivated by anticlericalism. Among Anabaptists this expressed itself in contrasts between the Good Shepherd and the self-indulgent clergy, the simple reading of Scripture and its use as a means of oppression, and the improvement of life and the fruitless life of the new Protestant teachers of justification by faith alone. Other expressions of anticlericalism were the involvement of the Zürich radicals in opposition to tithes and the demand for congregational autonomy. Both central issues for peasants have been clearly documented by Haas (1975) and Stayer (1975A). Werner Packull (1985) and Arnold Snyder (1984, 1985) have provided further evidence for these links.
-Finally, the relationship of Anabaptists to [[Schwenckfeld, Caspar von (1489-1561)|Caspar Schwenckfeld]] has also been extensively studied in recent years. Neal Blough's work on [[Marpeck, Pilgram (d. 1556)|Pilgram Marpeck]] (1984) demonstrates dependence of Marpeck on Schwenckfeld especially relating to their understanding of the Incarnation. A complex set of relationships of Schwenckfeld with Melchior Hoffman and Pilgram Marpeck was described by R. Emmet McLaughlin (1985). The lure of Schwenckfeld's spiritualism for South German Anabaptists was clearly shown by George H. Williams in his <em>Radical Reformation. </em>Anabaptists and Schwenckfeld agreed on many important issues (Klaassen, 1986).
+Finally, the relationship of Anabaptists to [[Schwenckfeld, Caspar von (1489-1561)|Caspar Schwenckfeld]] has also been extensively studied in recent years. Neal Blough's work on [[Marpeck, Pilgram (d. 1556)|Pilgram Marpeck]] (1984) demonstrates dependence of Marpeck on Schwenckfeld especially relating to their understanding of the Incarnation. A complex set of relationships of Schwenckfeld with Melchior Hoffman and Pilgram Marpeck was described by R. Emmet McLaughlin (1985). The lure of Schwenckfeld's spiritualism for South German Anabaptists was clearly shown by [[Williams, George Huntston (1914-2000)|George H. Williams]] in his <em>Radical Reformation. </em>Anabaptists and Schwenckfeld agreed on many important issues (Klaassen, 1986).
 Anabaptists must now therefore be seen as an integral part of the larger phenomenon of religious and social dissent in 16th-century Europe from the Zwickau Prophets to [[Castellion, Sébastien (1515-1563)|Sébastian Castellion]].

@@ Line 78: / Line 78: @@
 George H. Williams' massive volume, <em>The Radical Reformation </em>(1962), presented for the first time a comprehensive portrayal of radical dissent in the 16th century. Moving across his stage are the whole cast of characters, from [[Karlstadt, Andreas Rudolff-Bodenstein von (1486-1541) |Andreas Karlstadt]] (Carlstadt) and the [[Zwickau Prophets|Zwickau Prophets]] through [[Grebel, Conrad (ca. 1498-1526)|Conrad Grebel]] and the St. Gall fanatics, [[Hut, Hans (d. 1527)|Hans Hut]] and [[Hutter, Jakob (d. 1536)|Jakob Hutter]], [[Menno Simons (1496-1561)|Menno Simons]] and the [[Batenburg, Jan van (1495-1538)|Batenburgers]], to [[Servetus, Michael (1511-1553)|Michael Servetus]] and Faustus Socinus, with all the intricate linkages between them.
-Clear links between [[Müntzer, Thomas (1488/9-1525)|Thomas Müntzer]] and [[Hut, Hans (d. 1527)|Hans Hut]] had been established by [[Mecenseffy, Grete (1899-1985) |Grete Mecenseffy]] (1956) and Walter Klaassen (1960, 1962), but the most important study on this relationship was done by Gottfried Seebaß (1972). His work and the work of Werner Packull (1977) established beyond question the formative influence of Thomas Müntzer on South German Anabaptism, both in its mysticism and its apocalyptic cast. By means of the thesis that mystical theology was a theology of dissent in the 16th century, Steven Ozment linked the Anabaptists [[Denck, Hans (ca. 1500-1527)|Hans Denck]] and Hans Hut with Müntzer, [[Franck, Sebastian (1499-1543)|Sebastian Franck]], and others. The central thrust of this mysticism was that ultimately God could communicate his will to men and women directly in disregard of ecclesiastical channels, a kind of democratization of revelation. Later Calvin Pater (1984) convincingly showed that [[Karlstadt, Andreas Rudolff-Bodenstein von (1486-1541) |Andreas Karlstadt]] significantly influenced Swiss Anabaptism. Versions of Karlstadt's view and use of Scripture, his doctrine of the church, and his views on baptism, all found their way into Anabaptism.
+Clear links between [[Müntzer, Thomas (1488/9-1525)|Thomas Müntzer]] and [[Hut, Hans (d. 1527)|Hans Hut]] had been established by [[Mecenseffy, Grete (1899-1985) |Grete Mecenseffy]] (1956) and Walter Klaassen (1960, 1962), but the most important study on this relationship was done by [[Seebaß, Gottfried (1937-2008)|Gottfried Seebaß]] (1972). His work and the work of Werner Packull (1977) established beyond question the formative influence of Thomas Müntzer on South German Anabaptism, both in its mysticism and its apocalyptic cast. By means of the thesis that mystical theology was a theology of dissent in the 16th century, Steven Ozment linked the Anabaptists [[Denck, Hans (ca. 1500-1527)|Hans Denck]] and Hans Hut with Müntzer, [[Franck, Sebastian (1499-1543)|Sebastian Franck]], and others. The central thrust of this mysticism was that ultimately God could communicate his will to men and women directly in disregard of ecclesiastical channels, a kind of democratization of revelation. Later Calvin Pater (1984) convincingly showed that [[Karlstadt, Andreas Rudolff-Bodenstein von (1486-1541) |Andreas Karlstadt]] significantly influenced Swiss Anabaptism. Versions of Karlstadt's view and use of Scripture, his doctrine of the church, and his views on baptism, all found their way into Anabaptism.
 Building on earlier work, Hans-Jürgen Goertz (1980) offered the first extended discussion of the thesis that anticlericalism was a prime motive for dissent, and that this factor provided close links between Anabaptism and other movements of the "common man," such as the peasant uprisings of 1524-26, also extensively motivated by anticlericalism. Among Anabaptists this expressed itself in contrasts between the Good Shepherd and the self-indulgent clergy, the simple reading of Scripture and its use as a means of oppression, and the improvement of life and the fruitless life of the new Protestant teachers of justification by faith alone. Other expressions of anticlericalism were the involvement of the Zürich radicals in opposition to tithes and the demand for congregational autonomy. Both central issues for peasants have been clearly documented by Haas (1975) and Stayer (1975A). Werner Packull (1985) and Arnold Snyder (1984, 1985) have provided further evidence for these links.

@@ Line 56: / Line 56: @@
 After summarizing the perception of what Anabaptism was after the revision carried out by [[Bender, Harold Stauffer (1897-1962)|Harold S. Bender]] and others, [[Friedmann, Robert (1891-1970)|Robert Friedmann]] asserts in volume 1 of the <em>Mennonite Encyclopedia</em> that Anabaptists were "nearer to the spirit of Christ's exemplary life and teaching. . ." than were Protestants, <em>[[Schwärmer|Schwärmer]]</em> ("enthusiasts"), and millennialists, and that Bender's "Anabaptist vision" might supply "delineation of the idea of evangelical Anabaptism." This had, in fact, already happened by the time Friedmann wrote. "Evangelical Anabaptism" was identified by insistence on [[Discipleship|discipleship]] as the essence of Christianity, on the church as a brotherhood, and on an ethic of love and nonresistance. This became the normative description of Anabaptism. In this view, evangelical Anabaptism arose with the [[Swiss Brethren|Swiss Brethren]], and by transmission became part of [[Netherlands|Netherlands]] Anabaptism and of the [[Hutterian Brethren (Hutterische Brüder)|Hutterites]]. Thus was Anabaptism given unity and clearly distinguished from Catholicism, from Protestantism, and from other 16th-century dissenting groups.
-A revision of this portrayal began around 1960. Heinold Fast warned in a 1967 article that the Mennonite revision of four centuries of negative historiography was too tidy, too ideal, and that reaction would come. Indeed, reaction was already under way as part of a major shift in Reformation studies from systematic theology to history of ideas and from confessional history to social history. This shift strongly modified the traditional confessional (Lutheran, Reformed, Catholic, Mennonite, etc.) orientation and opened the door to consideration of the dialectic between social and political developments, on the one hand, and the development of theological positions in the various reinterpretations of Christian faith, on the other. For Anabaptist studies it meant the entry into the field of a number of non-Mennonite historians who studied Anabaptism not as the ancestral movement of the 20th-century church communion, but as part of the general history of western Europe in the 16th century. It produced a new picture of Anabaptism not only socially but also in theology.
+A revision of this portrayal began around 1960. [[Fast, Heinold (1929-2015)|Heinold Fast]] warned in a 1967 article that the Mennonite revision of four centuries of negative historiography was too tidy, too ideal, and that reaction would come. Indeed, reaction was already under way as part of a major shift in Reformation studies from systematic theology to history of ideas and from confessional history to social history. This shift strongly modified the traditional confessional (Lutheran, Reformed, Catholic, Mennonite, etc.) orientation and opened the door to consideration of the dialectic between social and political developments, on the one hand, and the development of theological positions in the various reinterpretations of Christian faith, on the other. For Anabaptist studies it meant the entry into the field of a number of non-Mennonite historians who studied Anabaptism not as the ancestral movement of the 20th-century church communion, but as part of the general history of western Europe in the 16th century. It produced a new picture of Anabaptism not only socially but also in theology.
 === Definition of Anabaptism ===

@@ Line 38: / Line 38: @@
 <ol>
 <li>By way of introduction credit should be given to the work of the German historian [[Troeltsch, Ernst (1865-1923)|Ernst Troeltsch]] (d. 1923), whose distinction between "church" and "sect," mentioned above, was a great step forward in church historical analysis. The Troeltsch term "sect" corresponds approximately to the English "gathered" or believers' church. Unfortunately, for Troeltsch Anabaptism coincides almost completely with this concept of sectarianism, even though a healthy distinction is presented between the "evangelical" or nonresistant groups and Taborites who accept the "sword." That the concept of "sect" with Troeltsch is too broad can be seen from the fact that he includes also the German Pietists and the English Methodists in this class. The more advanced distinction between an ecclesiastical church type, a denominational church type, and the sect type (J. Wach) was not yet known to Troeltsch. Hence he cannot visualize either the temptation of later Anabaptism (and Mennonitism) to slip away from the original path of brotherhood and to transform itself more and more into a denomination.</li>
-<li>Roland H. Bainton <em>(Journal of Religion </em>21, 1941, 124-134) discusses the main features of the left-wing groups, pointing out a tradition in Protestantism which extols the heretics <em>(Ketzer) </em>for being radical, that is, [[Nonconformists]]. [[Franck, Sebastian (1499-1543)|Sebastian Franck]] (1531) uses for the first time this term "heretic" in a positive sense (somewhat concordant to Troeltsch's concept of "sect"); the same is done by [[Arnold, Gottfried (1666-1714)|Gottfried Arnold]] in his <em>Kirchen- und Ketzer-Historie </em>(1699), which is followed by other similar treatments. This approach, though enlightening, is still too comprehensive.</li>
+<li>Roland H. Bainton <em>(Journal of Religion </em>21, 1941, 124-134) discusses the main features of the left-wing groups, pointing out a tradition in Protestantism which extols the heretics <em>(Ketzer) </em>for being radical, that is, Nonconformists. [[Franck, Sebastian (1499-1543)|Sebastian Franck]] (1531) uses for the first time this term "heretic" in a positive sense (somewhat concordant to Troeltsch's concept of "sect"); the same is done by [[Arnold, Gottfried (1666-1714)|Gottfried Arnold]] in his <em>Kirchen- und Ketzer-Historie </em>(1699), which is followed by other similar treatments. This approach, though enlightening, is still too comprehensive.</li>
 <li>[[Ritschl, Albrecht (1822-1889)|A. Ritschl]] (d. 1889) construed his church history <em>(Geschichte des Pietismus, </em>1883) rather artificially, without any deeper understanding of Anabaptism. He drew a line of tradition from the Third Order of the [[Franciscans|Franciscans]] (Tertiarii) to the Anabaptists and from them to the [[Pietism|Pietists]], even though no immediate contact between these groups could be demonstrated. To be sure, there are certain similarities and points of contact but the genius of these three movements is radically different so that this construction is of little value. Ritschl erroneously calls the Anabaptists "medieval," due to their emphasis upon what he calls "works" (i.e., practiced discipleship). For similar reasons also K. Holl misinterprets the Anabaptists, taking their practical Christianity as a form of Catholic works-righteousness (gaining merit through works), which Lutherans strictly abhor. This kind of church historiography with borrowed terms does not lead very far and is more confusing than helpful—though still widely accepted.</li>
 <li>[[Keller, Ludwig, and the Mennonites|Ludwig Keller]] goes further along this line of construed church history but with much richer material at hand and a more sympathetic understanding of the "heretics." He visualized the existence of sect-like "Old-Evangelical Brotherhoods" throughout the centuries which kept a sort of underground contact among themselves, seeing a long line of tradition in church history of such brotherhoods (with similar patterns of life). In particular he ties the [[Waldenses|Waldenses]] very closely to the early Anabaptists. This still unproved Waldensian origin theory, started in the 17th century by [[Montanus, Herman (17th century)|H. Montanus]], was popular for a long time but must be abandoned today in view of the results of modern research. No contact with Waldenses could be found, and, what weighs more, the genius of the two groups is very different. Keller was deceived by certain similarities (such as [[Nonconformity|nonconformity]]) just as Ritschl and Troeltsch were deceived. Yet it must be admitted that Keller has greatly advanced our understanding of the earlier history of Anabaptism.</li>

@@ Line 8: / Line 8: @@
 The very first literary attacks on Anabaptism ([[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli's]] <em>Von der Taufe, von der Wiedertaufe, und von der Kindertaufe </em>of May 1525, and [[Oecolampadius, Johannes (1482-1531)|Oecolampadius']] <em>Ein Gespräch etlicher Predicanten zu Basel gehalten mit etlichen Bekennern de, Wiedertaufe, </em>also of 1525) use the term <em>Wiedertäufer. </em>The Latin writings likewise use <em>Anabaptists (e.g., </em>Faber's <em>Adversus Doctorem Balthasarum Pacimontanium, Anabaptistarum Nostri Saeculi, Primum Authorem, Orthodoxae Fidei Catholica Defensio </em>of 1528). However, in Zwingli's testimony against the local Anabaptists before the Zürich court in March 1525 he uses the term <em>Täufer </em>exclusively. Strangely enough, [[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli]] uses the term "[[Catabaptist|Catabaptist]]" in his major attack against the group in 1527, <em>In Catabaptistarum Strophas Elenchus, </em>instead of "Anabaptist."
-It has sometimes been assumed that the evil connotation of the epithet <em>Anabaptist is </em>associated primarily with the dreadful [[Münster Anabaptists|Münster]] episode of 1534-1535. However, the fairly extensive polemic literature of the period before that time, written by [[Luther, Martin (1483-1546)|Luther]], [[Melanchthon, Philipp (1497-1560)|Melanchthon]], [[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli]], [[Bader, Johannes (1470-1545)|Bader]], [[Rhegius, Urban (1489-1541)|Rhegius]], [[Faber, Johann (1478-1541)|Faber]], [[Bugenhagen, Johann (1485-1558)|Bugenhagen]], [[Menius, Justus (1499-1558)|Menius]], [[Bullinger, Heinrich (1504-1575)|Bullinger]], and others, gives abundant evidence that it was a designation of severest reproach and condemnation long before Münster. The [[Augsburg Confession (1530)|Augsburg Confession]] of 1530 condemns the "Anabaptists" specifically in three articles, though in part based on misinformation. Abundant citations could be given showing that the term "Anabaptist" in all its forms and translations was always essentially one of condemnation as of grievous heresy and crime. More, in his <em>Confutation of Tindale's Works </em>(1532), speaks of "pernitious and Anabaptistical opinions." This completely evil connotation of the name, which makes it truly an opprobrious epithet, carried through the 16th century and on down through the following centuries until modern times. It is this sense of condemnation and execration which has made some modern historians, particularly Mennonites, hesitate. to use it, but usage is gradually overcoming the objectionable sense.
+It has sometimes been assumed that the evil connotation of the epithet <em>Anabaptist is </em>associated primarily with the dreadful [[Münster Anabaptists|Münster]] episode of 1534-1535. However, the fairly extensive polemic literature of the period before that time, written by [[Luther, Martin (1483-1546)|Luther]], [[Melanchthon, Philipp (1497-1560)|Melanchthon]], [[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli]], [[Bader, Johannes (1470-1545)|Bader]], [[Rhegius, Urban (1489-1541)|Rhegius]], [[Faber, Johann (1478-1541)|Faber]], [[Bugenhagen, Johann (1485-1558)|Bugenhagen]], [[Menius, Justus (1499-1558)|Menius]], [[Bullinger, Heinrich (1504-1575)|Bullinger]], and others, gives abundant evidence that it was a designation of severest reproach and condemnation long before Münster. The [[Augsburg Confession (1530)|Augsburg Confession]] of 1530 condemns the "Anabaptists" specifically in three articles, though in part based on misinformation. Abundant citations could be given showing that the term "Anabaptist" in all its forms and translations was always essentially one of condemnation as of grievous [[heresy]] and crime. More, in his <em>Confutation of Tindale's Works </em>(1532), speaks of "pernitious and Anabaptistical opinions." This completely evil connotation of the name, which makes it truly an opprobrious epithet, carried through the 16th century and on down through the following centuries until modern times. It is this sense of condemnation and execration which has made some modern historians, particularly Mennonites, hesitate. to use it, but usage is gradually overcoming the objectionable sense.
 An illustration of the strong objection by those, dubbed Anabaptists to its application to them is the title of [[Dirk Philips (1504-1568)|Dirk Philips]]' Dutch tract written in 1545 but first published as the fourth part of his <em>Enchiridion in </em>1564, which reads as follows: <em>Een Apologia, ofte verantwoordinghe, dat wy (die van de werelt met grooten onrecht Anabaptisten gescholden worden) gheen wederdoopers noch sectemakers en zijn; maer dat wy een zijn met de rechte Ghemeynte Gods die van aenbeginne gheweest is. </em>(An Apology or Reply, that we who are by the world with great injustice accusingly called Anabaptists are no re-baptizers nor sect-makers, but that we are one with the true church of God which has been from the beginning.)

@@ Line 8: / Line 8: @@
 The very first literary attacks on Anabaptism ([[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli's]] <em>Von der Taufe, von der Wiedertaufe, und von der Kindertaufe </em>of May 1525, and [[Oecolampadius, Johannes (1482-1531)|Oecolampadius']] <em>Ein Gespräch etlicher Predicanten zu Basel gehalten mit etlichen Bekennern de, Wiedertaufe, </em>also of 1525) use the term <em>Wiedertäufer. </em>The Latin writings likewise use <em>Anabaptists (e.g., </em>Faber's <em>Adversus Doctorem Balthasarum Pacimontanium, Anabaptistarum Nostri Saeculi, Primum Authorem, Orthodoxae Fidei Catholica Defensio </em>of 1528). However, in Zwingli's testimony against the local Anabaptists before the Zürich court in March 1525 he uses the term <em>Täufer </em>exclusively. Strangely enough, [[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli]] uses the term "[[Catabaptist|Catabaptist]]" in his major attack against the group in 1527, <em>In Catabaptistarum Strophas Elenchus, </em>instead of "Anabaptist."
-It has sometimes been assumed that the evil connotation of the epithet <em>Anabaptist is </em>associated primarily with the dreadful [[Münster Anabaptists|Münster]] episode of 1534-1535. However, the fairly extensive polemic literature of the period before that time, written by [[Luther, Martin (1483-1546)|Luther]], [[Melanchthon, Philipp (1497-1560)|Melanchthon]], [[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli]], [[Bader, Johannes (1470-1545)|Bader]], [[Rhegius, Urban (1489-1541)|Rhegius]], [[Faber, Johann (1478-1541)|Faber]], [[Bugenhagen, Johann (1485-1558)|Bugenhagen]], [[Menius, Justus (1499-1558)|Menius]], [[Bullinger, Heinrich (1504-1575)|Bullinger]], and others, gives abundant evidence that it was a designation of severest reproach and condemnation long before Münster. The [[Augsburg Confession (1530)|Augsburg Confession]] of 1530 condemns the "Anabaptists" specifically in three articles, though in part based on misinformation. Abundant citations could be given showing that the term "Anabaptist" in all its forms and translations was always essentially one of condemnation as of grievous heresy and crime. More, in his <em>Confuta</em><em>tion of Tindale's Works </em>(1532), speaks of "pernitious and Anabaptistical opinions." This completely evil connotation of the name, which makes it truly an opprobrious epithet, carried through the 16th century and on down through the following centuries until modern times. It is this sense of condemnation and execration which has made some modern historians, particularly Mennonites, hesitate. to use it, but usage is gradually overcoming the objectionable sense.
+It has sometimes been assumed that the evil connotation of the epithet <em>Anabaptist is </em>associated primarily with the dreadful [[Münster Anabaptists|Münster]] episode of 1534-1535. However, the fairly extensive polemic literature of the period before that time, written by [[Luther, Martin (1483-1546)|Luther]], [[Melanchthon, Philipp (1497-1560)|Melanchthon]], [[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli]], [[Bader, Johannes (1470-1545)|Bader]], [[Rhegius, Urban (1489-1541)|Rhegius]], [[Faber, Johann (1478-1541)|Faber]], [[Bugenhagen, Johann (1485-1558)|Bugenhagen]], [[Menius, Justus (1499-1558)|Menius]], [[Bullinger, Heinrich (1504-1575)|Bullinger]], and others, gives abundant evidence that it was a designation of severest reproach and condemnation long before Münster. The [[Augsburg Confession (1530)|Augsburg Confession]] of 1530 condemns the "Anabaptists" specifically in three articles, though in part based on misinformation. Abundant citations could be given showing that the term "Anabaptist" in all its forms and translations was always essentially one of condemnation as of grievous heresy and crime. More, in his <em>Confutation of Tindale's Works </em>(1532), speaks of "pernitious and Anabaptistical opinions." This completely evil connotation of the name, which makes it truly an opprobrious epithet, carried through the 16th century and on down through the following centuries until modern times. It is this sense of condemnation and execration which has made some modern historians, particularly Mennonites, hesitate. to use it, but usage is gradually overcoming the objectionable sense.
-An illustration of the strong objection by those, dubbed Anabaptists to its application to them is the title of [[Dirk Philips (1504-1568)|Dirk Philips]]' Dutch tract written in 1545 but first published as the fourth part of his <em>Enchi</em><em>ridion in </em>1564, which reads as follows: <em>Een Apolo</em><em>gia, ofte verantwoordinghe, dat wy (die van de werelt met grooten onrecht Anabaptisten gescholden worden) gheen wederdoopers noch sectemakers en zijn; maer dat wy een zijn met de rechte Ghemeynte Gods die van aenbeginne gheweest is. </em>(An Apology or Reply, that we who are by the world with great injustice accusingly called Anabaptists are no re-baptizers nor sect-makers, but that we are one with the true church of God which has been from the beginning.)
+An illustration of the strong objection by those, dubbed Anabaptists to its application to them is the title of [[Dirk Philips (1504-1568)|Dirk Philips]]' Dutch tract written in 1545 but first published as the fourth part of his <em>Enchiridion in </em>1564, which reads as follows: <em>Een Apologia, ofte verantwoordinghe, dat wy (die van de werelt met grooten onrecht Anabaptisten gescholden worden) gheen wederdoopers noch sectemakers en zijn; maer dat wy een zijn met de rechte Ghemeynte Gods die van aenbeginne gheweest is. </em>(An Apology or Reply, that we who are by the world with great injustice accusingly called Anabaptists are no re-baptizers nor sect-makers, but that we are one with the true church of God which has been from the beginning.)
 The original use of "Anabaptist" in the 4th and following centuries was to refer to the rebaptism of those who had been baptized by heretics, or of those who had been baptized by bishops who had temporarily and partially [[Recantation|recanted]] under persecution. There was considerable controversy over both points in North Africa; over the former from [[Tertullian, Quintus Septimius Florens (ca. 160-ca. 222)|Tertullian's]] time on (A.D. 200) and over the latter in Augustine's time ([[Donatists|Donatist ]]controversy). In both cases the Roman bishop's position won out, namely, that rebaptism should not be required nor permitted. Those who insisted on rebaptism were in effect repudiating therefore the authority of the church.
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 <li>[[Ritschl, Albrecht (1822-1889)|A. Ritschl]] (d. 1889) construed his church history <em>(Geschichte des Pietismus, </em>1883) rather artificially, without any deeper understanding of Anabaptism. He drew a line of tradition from the Third Order of the [[Franciscans|Franciscans]] (Tertiarii) to the Anabaptists and from them to the [[Pietism|Pietists]], even though no immediate contact between these groups could be demonstrated. To be sure, there are certain similarities and points of contact but the genius of these three movements is radically different so that this construction is of little value. Ritschl erroneously calls the Anabaptists "medieval," due to their emphasis upon what he calls "works" (i.e., practiced discipleship). For similar reasons also K. Holl misinterprets the Anabaptists, taking their practical Christianity as a form of Catholic works-righteousness (gaining merit through works), which Lutherans strictly abhor. This kind of church historiography with borrowed terms does not lead very far and is more confusing than helpful—though still widely accepted.</li>
 <li>[[Keller, Ludwig, and the Mennonites|Ludwig Keller]] goes further along this line of construed church history but with much richer material at hand and a more sympathetic understanding of the "heretics." He visualized the existence of sect-like "Old-Evangelical Brotherhoods" throughout the centuries which kept a sort of underground contact among themselves, seeing a long line of tradition in church history of such brotherhoods (with similar patterns of life). In particular he ties the [[Waldenses|Waldenses]] very closely to the early Anabaptists. This still unproved Waldensian origin theory, started in the 17th century by [[Montanus, Herman (17th century)|H. Montanus]], was popular for a long time but must be abandoned today in view of the results of modern research. No contact with Waldenses could be found, and, what weighs more, the genius of the two groups is very different. Keller was deceived by certain similarities (such as [[Nonconformity|nonconformity]]) just as Ritschl and Troeltsch were deceived. Yet it must be admitted that Keller has greatly advanced our understanding of the earlier history of Anabaptism.</li>
-<li>Anabaptists were no [[Mysticism|mystics]] either, as for instance [[Jones, Rufus Matthew (1863-1948)|Rufus M. Jones]] <em>(Studies in Mystical Re</em><em>ligion, </em>2nd ed. 1923) has interpreted them. It is true that in the earliest period of Anabaptism some outstanding leaders manifested mystical traits, but in general the simple Biblicistic life of the Brethren is very different from that of mystically oriented men and women. Even though Anabaptists and [[Society of Friends|Quakers]] have a number of traits in common (above all their [[Nonresistance|nonresistance]]), and contacts between the two groups have always been cordial and sometimes close, they are rather different types.</li>
+<li>Anabaptists were no [[Mysticism|mystics]] either, as for instance [[Jones, Rufus Matthew (1863-1948)|Rufus M. Jones]] <em>(Studies in Mystical Religion, </em>2nd ed. 1923) has interpreted them. It is true that in the earliest period of Anabaptism some outstanding leaders manifested mystical traits, but in general the simple Biblicistic life of the Brethren is very different from that of mystically oriented men and women. Even though Anabaptists and [[Society of Friends|Quakers]] have a number of traits in common (above all their [[Nonresistance|nonresistance]]), and contacts between the two groups have always been cordial and sometimes close, they are rather different types.</li>
 <li>[[Kühn, Johannes (b. 1887)|Johannes Kühn]] <em>(Toleranz und Offenbarung, </em>1923) was perhaps the first to clearly recognize and analyze the independent character of the Anabaptists, and put them on an equal level with related phenomena in church history. He distinguished within "Biblical" Protestantism five major types which he called prophetic ([[Luther, Martin (1483-1546)|Luther]]), spiritualistic ([[Schwenckfeld, Caspar von (1489-1561)|Schwenckfeld]], Roger Williams), <em>Täuferische Nachfolge </em>(combining both Anabaptists and Quakers, the latter the corresponding group in England), mystical ([[David Joris (ca. 1501-1556)|D. Joris]], J. Boehme), and ethical-rationalistic ([[Arminianism|Arminians]], Spener). The discipleship idea <em>(imitatio Christi) </em>is to Kühn the distinguishing feature of the Anabaptists; it implies both brotherly love and <em>[[Gelassenheit|Gelassenheit]] </em>(inner surrender, conquest of selfishness, yieldedness). This certainly holds true for Anabaptists as well as for Quakers. What actually distinguishes them most is the theology of [[Martyrdom, Theology of|martyrdom]] of the Anabaptists which, however, Kühn does not follow up.</li>
 <li>Those who have followed the socio-economic interpretation of history have classified the Anabaptists primarily as social revolutionaries of the lower classes, or even as forerunners of modern Socialism or Communism, rather than as a religious movement. See, e.g., Karl Kautsky, <em>Communism in Central Europe </em>in <em>the Time of the Reformation </em>(1897).</li>
-<li>Max Göbel first <em>(Geschichte des Christlichen </em><em>Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälisch evangelischen Kirche, </em>1848-4189), followed by many others, particularly [[Horsch, John (1867-1941)|John Horsch]], d. 1941, holds that Anabaptism is merely a consistent evangelical Protestantism, seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the culmination of the original vision of [[Luther, Martin (1483-1546)|Luther]] and [[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli]].</li>
+<li>Max Göbel first <em>(Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälisch evangelischen Kirche, </em>1848-4189), followed by many others, particularly [[Horsch, John (1867-1941)|John Horsch]], d. 1941, holds that Anabaptism is merely a consistent evangelical Protestantism, seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the culmination of the original vision of [[Luther, Martin (1483-1546)|Luther]] and [[Zwingli, Ulrich (1484-1531)|Zwingli]].</li>
 <li>[[Hegler, Alfred (1863-1902)|Alfred Hegler]] and [[Troeltsch, Ernst (1865-1923)|Ernst Troeltsch]] distinguished the individualistic "Spiritualists" like [[Denck, Hans (ca. 1500-1527)|Hans Denck]], [[Bünderlin, Johannes (1499-1533)|Johannes Bünderlin]], and others, from the true Anabaptists who were anything but individualists, holding strongly to group discipline and order.</li>
 <li>[[Friedmann, Robert (1891-1970)|Robert Friedmann]] attempted a further interpretation of Anabaptism by distinguishing the Protestant types according to their particular interest in different parts of the New Testament which then become decisive for life and thought. The Anabaptists derive a great deal of strength from the study of the synoptic Gospels while mystics incline to lean more heavily upon the Johannine writings. The major Protestant denominations for their part have found their foundation primarily in the Pauline epistles and Pauline theology, and millennialists stress above all the book of Revelation. Some <em>[[Schwärmer|Schwärmer]] </em>finally do not stress the Scriptures too much but rely in the main upon their own inspiration ([[Müntzer, Thomas (1488/9-1525)|Müntzer]], [[David Joris (ca. 1501-1556)|David Joris]], etc.). The simple life of the Anabaptists, their stress upon obedience to the Word of God and His commandments, their idea of discipleship (including possible martyrdom), their lessened interest in formal theology, this all brings them nearer to the spirit of Christ's exemplary life and teachings as recorded above all in the first three Gospels and in the book of Acts.</li></ol>

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 Furthermore, the epithet was used indiscriminately of all types of left-wing groups, whereby the sins of the worst were applied to all. In retrospect [[Müntzer, Thomas (1488/9-1525)|Thomas Müntzer]], the leader of the [[Peasants' War, 1524-1525|Peasants' Revolt]] in 1525, was now dubbed an Anabaptist and his sins were added to the others. In fact, he came to be thought of as the originator and most typical leader of the movement, even though he never practiced nor taught rebaptism, and had no connection with the true Anabaptist movement.
-The Anabaptists themselves used no common name<strong>, </strong>indeed they were<strong> </strong>not a unified organized movement throughout, although the Swiss-South German, Dutch-North German, and [[Hutterian Brethren (Hutterische Brüder)|Hutterite]] wings were soon separately organized and disciplined. Their most common self-designation was "Brethren." Because of the strong leadership of [[Hutter, Jakob (d. 1536)|Jakob Hutter]] (d. 1535) among the Moravian Anabaptists, who adopted [[Community of Goods|community of goods]], this group was soon called "Hutterisch" or the "Hutterian Brethren," while the non-communist group being originally of Swiss origin was called "[[Swiss Brethren|Swiss Brethren]]," even though they lived in many places outside of [[Switzerland|Switzerland]] such as the lower Rhine region. In Holland after 1545 the group came to be called "[[Mennist|Mennists]]" after their chief leader [[Menno Simons (1496-1561)|Menno Simons]], a name which gradually developed into "Mennonist" and then "Mennonit," although early in the 17th century "[[Doopsgezind|Doopsgezind]]" (German, "[[Taufgesinnt|Taufgesinnt]]") came into use in Holland and ultimately superseded "Mennonit." Thus at least one syllable of the original "Wederdooper" is retained in the modern designation of the descendants of the original Dutch Anabaptists.
+The Anabaptists themselves used no common name<strong>, </strong>indeed they were not a unified organized movement throughout, although the Swiss-South German, Dutch-North German, and [[Hutterian Brethren (Hutterische Brüder)|Hutterite]] wings were soon separately organized and disciplined. Their most common self-designation was "Brethren." Because of the strong leadership of [[Hutter, Jakob (d. 1536)|Jakob Hutter]] (d. 1535) among the Moravian Anabaptists, who adopted [[Community of Goods|community of goods]], this group was soon called "Hutterisch" or the "Hutterian Brethren," while the non-communist group being originally of Swiss origin was called "[[Swiss Brethren|Swiss Brethren]]," even though they lived in many places outside of [[Switzerland|Switzerland]] such as the lower Rhine region. In Holland after 1545 the group came to be called "[[Mennist|Mennists]]" after their chief leader [[Menno Simons (1496-1561)|Menno Simons]], a name which gradually developed into "Mennonist" and then "Mennonit," although early in the 17th century "[[Doopsgezind|Doopsgezind]]" (German, "[[Taufgesinnt|Taufgesinnt]]") came into use in Holland and ultimately superseded "Mennonit." Thus at least one syllable of the original "Wederdooper" is retained in the modern designation of the descendants of the original Dutch Anabaptists.
 The 17th-century English [[Baptists |Baptists]] took the major part of "Anabaptists" for their name and passed it on down to their 10,000,000 modern spiritual descendants. The 19th-century Baptists of [[Germany|Germany]] however did not take "Täufer," the proper translation, for their name, but instead, "Baptisten." It remained for modern German scholars to adopt the term "Täufer" as the designation for the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, thus taking up Zwingli's early 1525 word instead of 'Wiedertäufer." -- ''Harold S. Bender''

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	Zijlstra, Samme. <em>Nicolaas Meyndertsz. van Blesdijk: Een Bijdrage tot de Geschiedenis van het Davidiorisme.</em> Assen: Van Gorcum, 1983.		Zijlstra, Samme. <em>Nicolaas Meyndertsz. van Blesdijk: Een Bijdrage tot de Geschiedenis van het Davidiorisme.</em> Assen: Van Gorcum, 1983.
−	{{GAMEO_footer\|hp=Vol. 1, pp. 113-116; vol. 5, pp. 23-26\|date=1990\|a1_last=Bender\|a1_first=Harold S., Robert ~~Friedmann~~\|~~a2_last~~=Klaassen\|~~a2_first~~=Walter}}	+	{{GAMEO_footer-3\|hp=Vol. 1, pp. 113-116; vol. 5, pp. 23-26\|date=1990\|a1_last=Bender\|a1_first=Harold S.\|a2_last=Friedmann\|a2_first=Robert\|a3_last=Klaassen\|a3_first=Walter}}